After the previous project blog entry on the cosmopolitanism of speaking in foreign tongues in London, this entry features a simple confusion in the English language between port and starboard.  It involves the grounding and wreck of a ship, the Exchange, on its way from the Port of London to the Downs.

The confusion was in English, and took place between two English men, the hired pilot and the ship’s captain.  But the crew itself was cosmopolitan, with an explicit reference made in the deposition of John Humphrey, a thirty-two year old mariner from Southwarke, to a significant Dutch component in the crew of the English ship heading for Virginia, probably via the Ginney coast. Crews hired from several ports and countries are a common feature of the crew lists which survive in schedules of wage disputes in the Admiralty records.

Disagreement between Pilot and Captain, leading to grounding on Thames estuary mud flats

The case of William Wilkinson against James Warren dealt with the right of a Pilot to sole command of his ship. James Warren had been hired as Pilot of the ship the Exchange to conduct the ship from the Port of London to the Downes.

The ship was bound for Virginia, and should, for its burden and intended voyage, have had a crew of thirty, or at least twenty-eight men, but started out with fewer than twenty-two men and boys. Some crew (Dutchmen) were still at Gravesend when the ship departed from its mooring there. From the Hope in the Thames estuary onwards there were a number of disagreements between William Wilkinson the ship’s captain, and James Warren, the hired pilot.

John Humphreys, a thirty-two year old Southwarke mariner stated the custom and law as he understood the right of a Pilot to sole command of a ship:

“1. To the third Article hee saith, That it is and ever hath been usuall, since
2. this deponent first knew what belonged to Navigation, That a Pilott undertakeing the
3. pilotting of a ship from place, should have the sole ordereing direction, and
4. Command of the said shipp and Companie, and that although the Master
5. of such shipp bee himselfe aboard. yet hee ought not in any manner to
6. contradict or apprise the said Pilotts Command in any thing concerning the
7. sayleing of the said shipp. And so much hee beleeveth to be conforme to the
8. Sea lawes and Customes in that Case provided and generally received, to
9. which hee referreth himselfe, And further, cannot depose./”¹

John Humphreys then provided a chronology of events, leading to the ship’s grounding. Unmooring the ship after clearance on a Saturday at Gravesend, the ship set off on a Sunday in a high wind under the command of the Pilot, the captain still ashore. It reached the Hope in the Thames estuary that same day, where the captain boarded the ship.

The pilot wished to anchor at the north shore port of Lee, a frequent stopping point in the estuary, but Wilkinson insisted that they proceed to the Redd Sands. On the Tuesday the set off in high wind across the flats to part of the estuary called the Narrow.

Humphreys testified that he heard contradictory commands ring out from Pilot and Captain, one calling for “to putt the helme a port and the other on starboard.” But in the “great confusion” Humphreys was uncertain who issued which instruction

“10. To the 4th Article hee saith, That at or about the time predeposed, the
11. arlate James Warren did conduct and pilott the said shipp the Exchange
12. from this Port to Gravesend where shee and her ladeing arrived in safety
13. upon and being there cleared upon a Saturday, the next morning the
14. said Wilkinson being himselfe ashore at Gravesend sent to the said Warren
15. then aboard to sett sayle with the said shipp towards the Downes, the wynd
16. being then somewhat too high in this judgement conveniently to unmoore the
17. said shipp which was done with very great difficultie and trouble, and so
18. shee came in safety to an anchor in the Hope, and the next morning
19. being the munday morning ensueing, the said Wilkinson comeing aboard
20. his said shipp commanded the said Warren to sett saile from thense, to
21. which hee this deponent knoweth not what the said Warren replyed, but saith
22. hee well knoweth, that severall of the said Dutchmen were then ashoare
23. at Gravesend and not aboard the said shipp, soe that there was not a
24. convenient number of men then aboard to mannage her, shee requiring
25. according to her burthen and intended Marchants Voiage for Virginia
26. 30. or at the least 28. men as aforesaid sufficiently to man her. The
27. premisses hee declareth upon the grounds predeposed. And further cannot
28. depose
29. To the 5:th Article hee saith, That upon the said Mr Wilkinsons coming
30. aboard the said shipp at the Hope, the said James Warren upon his
31. importunitie sett saile with the same to Lee, shee having then, as this
32. deponent remembereth (the Dutchmen being returned aboard) her former number
33. of about 22. men and one boy, And saith the wynd was then very
34. high at the North-west or neere that point, and the said Warren
35. was very earnest to have come to an anchor at Lee aforesaid, and to that
36. purpose had caused to be taken in her foretop saile of the said shipp, but the
37. said Wilkinson absolutely refused soe to doe or permitt to be done, whereupon
38. the said Warren was enforeced contrary to his good will and likeing to sayle
39. to the redd sands. The premisses this deponent well knoweth, for that hee was
40. Boatswaine of and aboard the said shipp, and saw and observed all the
41. passages by him predeposed. And further cannot depose:-/:-
42. To the 6:th hee saith, That upon the Tuesday morning next ensueing the
43. shipp sett sayle to goe over the flatts, and in her passeing over the
44. same to a place in the Sea called the Narrow, but saith, that hee this
45. deponent did not nor could not then particularly observe, what Course the said
46. Warren steared, hee this deponent being then intent upon other buisinesse
47. in the said shipps fore Castle, neither did this deponent observe at how
48. many fathoms water shee then was; hee further saith, That during the
49. said storme of wynd in the said shipps passage over the fflatts aforesayd
50. hee this deponent heard two contrary commands given, the one commanding to
51. putt the helme a port and the other on starboard, but which of them
52. gave either of the said commands particularly, this deponent saith, That
53. by reason of the great confusion then aboard, hee this deponent could not
54. distinguish”²

The result was inevitable, the wreck of the Exchange upon the sands, and a law suit before the High Court of Admiralty between the Captain and the Pilot disputing responsibility for the wreck.

 References

(1) HCA 13/71 f.47v Case: William Wilkinson against James Warren; Deposition: 1. John Humphrey of the parish of Saint Mary Magdalens in Southwarke in the Countie of Surrey Mariner aged 32; Date: 02/04/1656. Transcribed by Colin Greenstreet.

(2) HCA 13/71 f.47v

Mid-seventeenth century London was a remarkably cosmopolitan and multilingual city.  The ability of the city and its surrounding urban areas to attract short and long term residents and transients from continental Europe, the near East, and the Americas was striking, even to modern ears and eyes, used to the linguistic and ethnic mix of London three hundred and fifty years later.

A different perspective on language and the city is offered through the medium of the Admiralty Court records.  These reveal transient communities, amongst factors and foreign mariners, whose visibility is poor in church and municipal records.  

Inspection of HCA 13/71 suggests that the size and character of of transient Spanish and Portuguese commercial communities in London may have been underestimated, Catholic as well as Sephardic.  Analysis is made harder by the challenge of distinguishing Catholic and Jewish merchants, and the complexity of linguistic, national and religious identity amongst merchants.

Forty-five year old Madrid born Simon da Casseres had a complex history and identity

The complexity of nationality, residence and trading relations is revealed in the testimony of the forty-five year old Madrid born Jewish merchant Simon da (alt. de) Casseres, who had lived in Hamburg, and briefly in Barbados, before moving to London.¹

He was testifying to his good knowledge of Manuel Derrickson, who was resident in Hamburgh, but whom da Casseres described as Portuguese by birth.

“12. Simon da Casseres of London Merchant, aged
13. 45 yeares or thereabouts sworne and exámined
14. To the sixth article of the said allegation hee saith and deposeth that hee
15. well knoweth the producent Manuel Derrickson, and hath soe donne for
16. these twenty yeares last past and upwards this deponent having for
17. the most part of that space lived in hamborough, where hee saith the
18. said Manuel hath for all the said time dwelt, and kept house there, being
19. there married, and was and is a merchant of good accompt, and
20. an inhabitant and subiect of the free state of hamborough, and for such
21. commonly accompted, which hee knoweth being well and familiarly acquainted
22. with him and having bin there very often in his house and had dealing
23. with him in the way of Merchandize. And otherwise hee cannot depose.
24. Upon the rest hee is not examined by direction of the producent.
25.
26. To the Interrogatories
27. To the first hee saith that hee this deponent was borne at Madrid in Spaine
28. and hath for the last seven yeares dwelt in hamberough, till lately that
29. hee came to London, and saving a little space of that time that he was at
30. the Barbada’s, and otherwise negatively.
31. To the second hee saith the said Manuel derickson as hee taketh it is a
32. Portuguese by birth, and otherwise hee referreth himselfe to his foregoeing”²

Da Casseres sought to establish credibility with the Commonwealth, and therewith to gain commercially.  In 1655 his knowledge of the West Indies had been put to good use in a note on the fortification of Jamaica.³ In the same year a “humble proposition of Simon de Casseres” suggested  a naval expedition to the coast of Chile to establish a fort and seize Spanish gold.⁴

English and Dutch owned or purchased vessels used by Spanish merchants resident in London to import wine from the Canaries

Vessels of complex origin could be used to obscure the origins of freighters of goods to and from Catholic countries. This has already been seen in the case of the Jewish merchants, Andrew and Christofer Munez (alias Meyenberg), living in Amsterdam and shipping goods from France to Cadiz, Spain. They freighted their goods in the hare-in-the-fields, whose ownership and freighters had an ambiguous English, French and Dutch character.

Antonio ffernandez de Caravajall, was also a proponent of using Dutch shipping and Dutch purchased ships for his trade with the Canaries. Declaring himself to be fifty-six years of age in a deposition concerning the White fflower de lune, he was a Fundão (Portugal), or possibly Canaries, born Jew. This self-declared age is inconsistent with the historiography, which typically suggests that he was born ca. 1590.

His servant and relative, Alonso de ffonseca Meza, worked at the London counting house of Caravajall The servant deposed on behalf of “Mr ffernandez” in the matter of the purchase of the “Lyz-blanc” or “White fflower”. The ship had been purchased in the United Provinces in the name of Joseph Perrera in Amsterdam, “because Mr ffernandez intended to send her for
Spaine”.⁵

35. Alonzo de ffonseca Meza of London Merchant aged 22
36. yeeres or thereabouts sworne as aforesaid saith as followeth
37. That his precontest Antonio ffernandes Caravajall in or about the
38. moneth of October last past wrote over to Amsterdam to Joseph
39. Perera, giving him order thereto buy for his the said ffernandes proper
40. account a dutch shipp or vessell, but to buy her in the name of
41. him the said Perera, because Mr ffernandez intended to send her for
42. Spaine. And that in or about November last the said Perera by lettres of
43. advise the said Mr ffernandez then had the said Perera had there bought
44. a shipp named the Lyz blanc, (in English the White fflower
45. da Luna) for the said ffernandez his accompt, of the burthen of one
46. hundred tonnes or thereabouts, And saith that not longe after the said
47. Perera drew bills of exchange for the same upon the said ˹Mr˺ ffernandez
48. to the valew of ˹two˺ hundred and fiftie pounds sterling ˹or thereabouts˺, which Mr
49. ffernandez accepted and paid.”⁶

Spanish speaking skills at a premium amongst Dutch and English mariners

Fernandez de Caravajall  sought out Spanish speaking mariners as skippers, believing they would benefit his trade with the Canaries.

John Rombout, a Dutch skipper from Middleburgh, testified that he had been asked by ffopp Wessell to visit Caravajall at his house in London, where “Mr Fernandez” was “very glad of this deponents comming, and soe much the rather because this deponent spake Spanish, whereby hee might further his matters at the Canaries.”

Wessell had just returned from the Canaries on the Seaflower, of which he had gone supracargo in the employment of Carvajall. The Canaries correspondent of Caravajall was Christopher da Alvara da Baramonte, who was presumably Catholic.

Ironically, given the Spanish language skills of Rombout, he was unable to depose on the details of Caravajall’s charter party, since it was in English and he did not read English.⁷

“6. To the second, third and fourth árticles of the said allegation hee saith and deposeth
7. that in or about the beginning of ffebruary last past hee this deponent
8. being at Middleborowe and there spoken to by the said ffopp wessell
9. (who lately before was come from the Canarie Islands to London with
10. the said shipp in the imployment of the said Mr Antonio ffernandez Carravashell
11. and was to retourne thither againe in the said servise as hee told this deponent.)
12. and by him ˹the said fop˺ this deponent was asked if hee would goe with ˹him˺ to London and
13. thense to the Canaries in the said shipp and servise, to which this deponent
14. condiscended, and came over with him hither to this citie in the said
15. moneth and went with him to the said Mr ffernandez his house, who
16. was very glad of this deponents comming, and soe much the rather because
17. this deponent spake Spanish, whereby hee might further his matters at
18. the Canaries, and acknowledged that hee had freighted the said shipp of
19. the said ffopp wessell for the said voyage to the Canaries to carry goods
20. thither hense, and being back such goods thense as his factor should there
21. lade, and saith hee this exáminate hath seene a schedule in writing which
22. was said to be the Charter partie made for the said voyage, but being
23. (this is his remembrance) in English, this deponent could not read it nor
24. knoweth the contents thereof.”⁸

References

(1) HCA 13/71 f.56v Case: The claime of Manuell Derrickson of Hamburgh for his goods in the Hare in the ffeilds (John Kei?n Master) (“The claime of the said Manuel Derrickson in the Hare in the ffeilds”; Deposition: 2. Simon da Casseres of London Merchant, aged 45 (Signature of “Simon de Casseres” at end of deposition); Date: 12/02/1655(56). Transcribed by Karen Gunnell.

(2) HCA 13/71 f.56v

(3) ‘A note of what things are wanting in Jamaica by Simon de Casseres,’ V.xxx. p. 299, Thomas Birch (ed.), ‘State Papers, 1655: September (4 of 4)’, A collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, volume 4: Sept 1655 – May 1656 (London, 1742), pp. 47-63, viewed 14/12/12

(4) ‘The humble proposition of Simon de Casseres,’ V.xxx.p.151, Thomas Birch (ed.), ‘State Papers, 1655: September (4 of 4)’, A collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, volume 4: Sept 1655 – May 1656 (London, 1742), pp. 47-63, viewed 14/12/12

(5) HCA 13/71 f.58v, HCA 13/71 f.59r Case: On behalfe of Mr ffernandez touching the White fflower de Lun; Deposition: Alonzo de Fonseca Meza of London Merchant aged 22 (Signature of “Alonso de ffonseca Meza” at end of deposition); Date: 22/02/1655(56). Transcribed by Colin Greenstreet.

(6) HCA 13/71 f.58v

(7) HCA 13/71 f.439r Case: De haze and others against Mr ffernandez and Mr Kilvert; Deposition: 2. John Rumbout of Middleborowe Skipper aged 46 yeeres; Date: 03/12/1656. Transcribed by Colin Greenstreet.

(8) HCA 13/71 f.439r

Mid-seventeenth century Marine lives required the acquisition and use of many specialist vocabularies, both onboard ship and on the waterfront.

These vocabularies can be seen and heard in the Admiralty Court records.  They are on display in the depositions of witnesses in HCA 13/71, and in associated schedules annexed to depositions, catalogued now under HCA 15/6 (1654-1657).¹ Such schedules can include detailed inventories of ships’ “furniture, tackle and apparell”.²

Many of these vocabularies were closely linked to specific materials, whether sail cloth, wood or iron. The MarineLives PhD Forum is exploring the link between language and material culture in one of its online forums.

Arthur Cower of Saint Mary Magdalen Bermondsey parish Anchor smith aged forty seaven yeares

Arthur Cower was a journeyman anchorsmith, working for his anchorsmith master Walter Gough. The workshop was in the parish of Rederiff (alt. Rotherhithe), adjacent to a shipyard known as the “Pitchehoule”, which belonged to a Mr. Christmas.  The workshop too was reputed to be owned by the same Mr. Christmas. Walter Gough himself lived in Shadwell, on the other side of the River Thames, near Wapping.³

Cower was deposed in the case of Gough against Bigg touching the shipp the Redd Lyon.⁴

The builder of the Red Lyon claimed that he had been cheated on false weight of the ironwork delivered him.  The ironwork considered primarily of nails and bolts of different sorts, but extended to clench hammers, garnetts, gimbletts, hinges, hooks, prickers, scrapers and shovells.

Cower’s deposition contains many specialist terms for metal work, and opens up the world of a skilled journeyman, who though illiterate, had considerable knowledge and technical skill.

“26. …hee this deponent wrought as a Journey man with
27. the arlate Walter Gough in the moneths of June July and August 1656
28. and thereby knoweth that the arlate Mr Christmas being in those months
29. building the arlate shipp the Lyon or Redd Lyon in his the sayd Christmas
30. his yards in the parish of Rederiff commonly called the Pitchehoule the sayd
31. Gough did in the sayd Moneths furnish the sayd Christmas and deliver
32. unto him the sayd Christmas and his servantes (or others imployed by him
33. to fetch them) to be used and imployed about the sayd shipp the Lyon or Redd
34. Lyon he so severall parcells of Iron worke and nayles following being part of
35. the Iron worke and nayles mentioned in the schedule arlate videlicet Bolts speekes
36. and other Iron worke weighing forty one hundred weight, three hundred and
37. a halfe and tenn pounds weight of sheating nayles alsoe by tale seaventeene
38. hundred and a halfe of sheating nayles, also by tale thirty sixe hundred of
39. tenn great nayles, thirteene hundred of halfe Crowne nayles, thirteen
40. hundred of deck nayles thirteene hundred of two shilling nayles, fower
41. hundred of Port nayles twenty hundred and a halfe of twenty penny
42. nayles tenn hundred and three quarters of tenn penny nayles, nyne hundred
43. and a halfe of sixe penny nayles fower hundred of Lead nayles sixe hundred of
44. fower penny nayles three and twenty hundred and a halfe of three penny nayles three
45. hundred of two penny nayles fower payes of hookes and hinges two prickers
46. one stock lock two boate hookes five payes of crosse garnetts, sixe scrapers.”⁵

“1. two clench hammers two hundred and a halfe of twenty penny clench
2. nayles tenn hundred of sixteene penny clench nayles and Rooevs, five
3. gimbletts, one spring lock and for plateing 1 shovell and for the use of five
4. hundred and fowerteene pound weight of Rigg boltes and sett bolts And saith
5. the Iron worke and nayles predeposed of were at the tyme of the delivery
6. of them to the sayd Christmas and his servantes and such as hee imployed
7. to receave them for the use of the sayd shipp well worth in this deponentes
8. Judgment and estimate the severall prices in the schedule arlate
9. specified, and hee beleeveth goodes of the like quality were then usually
10. sold at those rates the promisses hee deposeth being then a Journeyman to
11. the sayd Gough and helpeing to make and deliver by weight and tale the goodes
12. predeposed and keeping Accompt thereof by scoreing up the weight and
13. numbers in chalke at the severall tymes of their delivery And verily
14. beleeveth and is perswaded in his conscience that the sayd Christmas did
15. fetch and receave the sayd Iron worke and other things predeposed of by the
16. order of the Owners of the sayd shipp Lyon or Redd Lyon for whome
17. hee built the same, and ˹that˺ the same were used and imployed upon the
18. sayd shipp and her boates to her belonging And further to these
19. articles and schedule hee cannot depose./”⁶

Cower distinguished his and his colleagues output as anchor smiths from that of their competitor, a Mr Barnackle, who had also supplied the Red Lyon with iron work.  Barnackle’s supplies were of large metal bolts, of which greater weights could be delivered each day.

“10. To 5th hee saith that worke done by the sayd Barnackle
11. for the shipp Lyon aforesayd was great boltes about the Keelsten and lowe
12. partes of the sayd shipp which is bigger worke then the sayd Goughs was, and
13. goes readier off of hand, and more of it may dispatched in a day then
14. could of that which the sayd Gough did And further cannot answere/ “⁷

Cower worked around his inability to write by scoring up in chalk a tally of goods he supplied to the Red Lyon, and having them put into writing by a scrivener on a weekly basis.

“15. To the 6th hee saith that hee this deponent scored up the goodes predeposed as they
16. were weighed and delivered, and once a weeke gott a Scrivener to put the particulars
17. in writing according as they were scored hee this deponent not being able to
18. write And further hee cannot answere/”⁸

Cower, did, however, admit there had been an error in the weighing of the iron work delivered from Gough’s workshop. Accused by Mr Christmas of “cozening” him on the weight of the goods delivered him, Cower denied such intent. Yet soon discovered that the “eye of a tackle hooke”, used on the weighing scales, had been removed by “one George”, a labourer used by Gough in his yard to weigh goods and lost.  A ring had been put in its place, but there was a one pound imbalance, for which Mr Christmas had been given an abatement in his charges.

“24. To the 8th hee saith hee answereth negatively saving ˹hee saith˺ that one
25. tyme there being some ˹two droughts of˺ Iron worke to weigh, the same was weighed, but
26. not carried out of the shopp, and the sayd Christmas coming in presently
27. after the same was weighed, began to finde fault and say the scales
28. were not even and that Gough and his servantes Cozened him the sayd
29. Christmas in the weight of things, whereupon hee this deponent replyed
30. and sayd thus or to the like effect videlicet truly Master Christmas for my part I
31. scorne to Cozen you or any body in weight, and as for Gough hee is sick at
32. home, and soe the scales being tryed and it appearing that they were
33. not even hee this deponent ˹not knowing what was to cause thereof˺ upon serious view of them found that an eye
34. of a tackle hooke which used bee hanged upon one of the scales to make
35. them even was taken away, which was the cause that the scales were
36. not even and this deponent speakeing thereof and saying that was the
37. cause ˹one George (his other name hee knoweth not)˺ a labourer usually imployed by the sayd Christmas in his
38. yarde did acknowledge and confesse that hee had ˹that day˺ taken the scales out
39. into the yarde to weigh some things and that by that meanes the sayd ˹eye of˺
40. the sayd tackle hooke was lost And saith that a ring being hung
41. on in place of the tackle hooke to make the scales even the sayd Iron worke
42. was againe weighed before ever it was taken out of the shopp, and the same
43. wanting about a pound weight ˹in two draughts˺ by reason of the want of the tackle hooke
44. the sayd Christmas had abatement for that pound weight And this
45. deponent doth by virtue of his oath affirme that the sayd eye of the tackle
46. hooke was vpon the scales that day imediately before the scales were taken”⁹

“1. into the yarde by the sayde Christmas his labourer and that the sayd
2. Christmas nor any by him imployed had any Iron worke which was
3. weighed delivered to them out of the sayd shipp ˹that day˺ for untill after
4. the undernnesse of the sayde scales was discovered./”¹⁰

References

(1) TNA, HCA 15/6 Boxes One and Two (1654-57)

(2) For example, HCA 15/6 Box One: Item: Inventory of the ship the Gilbert now in the River of Thames: Date: November 11:th 1657

(3) HCA 13/71 f.423r Case: Gough against Bigg touching the shipp the Redd Lyon (“Examined on the Libell”); Deposition: Arthur Cower of Saint Mary Magdalen Bermondsey parish Anchor smith aged forty seaven yeares; Date: 24/11/1656

(4) HCA 13/71 f.422r, HCA 13/71 f.422v, HCA 13/71 f.423r, HCA 13/71 f.423v

(5) HCA 13/71 f.422r

(6) HCA 13/71 f.422v

(7) HCA 13/71 f.423r

(8) HCA 13/71 f.423r

(9) HCA 13/71 f.423r

(10) HCA 13/71 f.423v